Suchergebnisse

Intro -- Title Page -- Dedication -- Epigraph -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- Chapter 1: Where Did It All Go Right? -- Chapter 2: Roots -- Chapter 3: Lazing on a Sunny Afternoon -- Chapter 4: And So to Work -- Chapter 5: 1978 - Starting Up Alone -- Chapter 6: Billy Tobin Esquire -- Chapter 7: Verballed! -- Chapter 8: The Brink's-Mat Robbery -- Chapter 9: The Trials of Kenneth Noye -- Chapter 10: Twelve Good Men and True -- Chapter 11: Prison Visits -- Chapter 12: Freddie Foreman - The Last Legend of the Underworld -- Chapter 13: Freedom -- Chapter 14: Goldfinger -- Chapter 15: Vinnie Jones - Fame to the Rescue -- Chapter 16: Curb Your Tongue -- Chapter 17: The Dome Robbery - Genuine Fake -- Chapter 18: Squeaky Bum Time -- Chapter 19: Some of My Favourite Stories -- the disappearance of lord lucan -- cri de coeur -- sumptuous innuendo -- an unexpected helicopter -- a cool customer -- a backhanded compliment -- pink champagne -- Chapter 20: Don't Be So Humble - You're Not That Great! -- Chapter 21: The Man Who Loved KitKats -- Chapter 22: The Magnificent Seven -- victor durand qc -- john mathew qc -- robin simpson qc -- bruce laughland qc -- michael corkery qc -- ronald thwaites qc -- david whitehouse qc -- Chapter 23: One Man's Work Is Another Man's Play -- Plates -- Copyright -- * -- Chapter 1 -- †.

Among the political institutions inherited from Canada's British past is the system by which people are elected to office. This electoral system, used by only a small minority of stable democracies, is usually referred to by a metaphor whose origins lie in the British passion for horse racing: first-past-the-post (FPTP). Yet FPTP is on the defensive even in countries with British institutions - starting with Britain itself, which has made important changes and is debating others. Australia and Ireland from the start adopted systems that significantly differed from FPTP. Even in the US, proportional (PR) systems are being discussed and, at the local level, being tried out. And in 1996 New Zealand went all the way and adopted the German form of PF. If New Zealand, the most British of Britain's ex-colonies could turn its back on FPTP, it is not surprising that it has found favour in the new South Africa or among the democracies that emerged in the wake of the demise of Communism. Yet the debate over electoral system reform is largely absent in Canada despite the outcome of recent federal elections making Canada a textbook example of how FPTP can regionalize political party representation in Parliament. This sorely needed discussion will be fostered by this book, which brings the best up-to-date analyses and critiques from the best qualified observers to bear on the Canadian situation both from at home and abroad

Dès sa fondation, malgré une certaine diversité originelle, le programme du Parti québécois s'est affiché comme social-démocrate. Au pouvoir de 1976 à 1986, le parti a respecté ses engagements progressistes, mais le caractère social-démocrate du parti a été contesté davantage quand, après la défaite du « Oui » en 1980, il a été reporté au pouvoir l'année suivante alors que le contexte idéologique n'était plus le même. Sur le plan international, la social-démocratie connaissait une crise d'identité. Ébranlé par la récession de 1982 et les attaques de la droite contre le keynésianisme et l'étatisme en général, le projet social-démocrate battait de l'aile, au Québec comme ailleurs au Canada et dans le reste du monde. C'est dans ce contexte que le gouvernement péquiste a fait face à une crise économique qui a mis en péril la relation du parti avec les syndicats, cet élément central du projet social-démocrate, y inclus sa dimension internationale. Même dans le contexte difficile des années 1980, je maintiens que le parti, lorsqu'il était au pouvoir, a continué d'être inspiré par les programmes des partis et des gouvernements sociaux-démocrates. Ce texte met l'accent sur des expériences au niveau international, dont celles où j'étais directement impliqué, ainsi que les relations du gouvernement avec les syndicats.

This article addresses the link between political knowledge and populist attitudes in the United States (US) in comparative perspective. At the beginning of the new decade, populism in the US is associated with support for the Republican party and Donald Trump in particular, and that is how I address it here. Using secondary data from a number of related studies, we find that, overall, support for Trump is not only negatively related to political knowledge, but also to other factors that make his supporters unaware of their being misinformed. This is because, more than for others, partisan cues serve them as a basis for their factual beliefs about political actors and events and assessments of the beliefs of others. While political knowledge has long been comparatively low in the US, as I show in the early part of the article, the relationship between misinformation and populism (i.e., support for Trump) is seen as a new and especially worrisome element. In the concluding section I address what, if anything, could be done to address this situation.

This article addresses the link between political knowledge and populist attitudes in the United States (US) in comparative perspective. At the beginning of the new decade, populism in the US is associated with support for the Republican party and Donald Trump in particular, and that is how I address it here. Using secondary data from a number of related studies, we find that, overall, support for Trump is not only negatively related to political knowledge, but also to other factors that make his supporters unaware of their being misinformed. This is because, more than for others, partisan cues serve them as a basis for their factual beliefs about political actors and events and assessments of the beliefs of others. While political knowledge has long been comparatively low in the US, as I show in the early part of the article, the relationship between misinformation and populism (i.e., support for Trump) is seen as a new and especially worrisome element. In the concluding section I address what, if anything, could be done to address this situation.

A number of innovations have been introduced to reduce the democratic deficit. I am particularly concerned about the deficit as reflected in the decline in voting at elections among young citizens, and, more widely, the apparent decline in attentiveness to (and, thus, knowledge of) political life. The result is a large number of political dropouts, a phenomenon that tends to be ignored in the literature on alternate forms of political engagement. In a number of democratic countries, a majority can be characterized as political dropouts. I first portray this situation, drawing on comparative, generational indicators of political participation and knowledge. The main part of the paper looks for ways to address this state of events in the form of innovations that aim to promote participation and improve democratic skills what is being done, and needs to be done.